Showing posts with label Political Philosophy. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Political Philosophy. Show all posts

Wednesday, January 4, 2012

Some Thoughts on the Democratic Ideal

The ideal underlying democratic legitimacy—the ultimate moral value driving democracy as a political ideal—is the idea of self government.  This ideal is encompassed in the popular saying “We the people govern ourselves.”

I believe that there is much insight in this popular saying and it is helpful to take a minute to think about it.  In fact, careful analysis indicates that within this little saying is found the most important concepts and ideals that ground democratic legitimacy and political authority.  We must therefore analyze and break apart the saying, isolating the concepts involved and the values underlying them, in order to appreciate what democratic self governance is all about.

Let’s take a look at the saying: “We the people govern ourselves.”  Notice the closely connected yet distinct concepts: (1) We (2) the people (3) govern (4) ourselves.  At first glance, it appears that (1), (2), and (4) are identical.  On the surface this may seem so, but I think there are distinct concepts and very different values that underlie each (at least between (1) and (2), for I admit that my argument that (1) and (4) as distinct may seem to be overly semantic).

The idea of “We” is different from the general concept and ideal of “the people.”  It is more concrete and actualized, signifying something important between individuals, some connection that is normatively significant that transcends the political arena.  It is in the domain of the social, some social fact about actually existing persons that connects them in a morally-meaningful way.  Although I do not adhere to some Hegelian idea of the One, there is an importance—a fundamental value—in an actual social relationship that gives birth to a claim of “We.”

This idea of “We” is what gives rise to the idea and claim of “the people.”  This is a more general and abstract idea, a normative concept that belongs to the political sphere.  As such, “the people” is what “We” are claiming to be, which further gives rise to the rights, privileges, powers, and obligations that political legitimacy claims to encompass.  So “the people” is intimately connected to yet distinct from the idea of “We.”  It is a guidepost, some political goal that “We” strives for (moreover, I think “the people” should be recognized almost as a pro-noun here, so I will now refer to “the People” as part of the normative political ideal underlying democratic authority).

In my next post, I will further explore the values underlying “We” and “the People.”  I will also begin a discussion of the concept of “governing” “ourselves.”  In the meantime, I would love to hear any thoughts you may have.

Sunday, October 30, 2011

Remedial justice

I have a question.  If justice is an "over the course of a lifetime" concept, what is the remedy recommended by liberal egalitarians (or other theories of justice) for those who have received way way more than their "fair share" of a society's resources for years, even decades?     

Saturday, March 5, 2011

An important challenge to theories of democracy

I think this is an important challenge to theories of democratic authority.  I think it reflects an implicit concern of anarchists, namely, that there is nothing in current political institutions that justify the “we” many use to legitimize State rule.

If the democratic process is a means by which some collection of persons may rightfully govern itself, what constitutes an appropriate collection of persons for employing the democratic process? Is any collection of persons entitled to the democratic process? In short, if democracy means government by the people, what constitutes "a people"? There may be no problem in the whole domain of democratic theory and practice more intractable than the one posed by this innocent-seeming question. To grasp it, imagine an aggregate of persons. Adapting Jonathan Swift to our purposes, let us call them the Eggfolk. While many Eggfolk contend that the Eggfolk constitute a single "people," some insist that they are really divided into two distinct peoples, the Big Eggfolk and the Little Eggfolk, with such different ways and beliefs that they should govern themselves separately, each entitled to its own fully democratic system. How are we to decide'? As we shall discover in chapter 13, democratic theory supplies little by way of an answer.  In fact, while historical answers exist, there may be no satisfactory theoretical solution to this problem.  Robert Dahl, Democracy and Its Critics 116-17.

Note that I am still in the elementary stages of my own journey through democratic theory.  Forgive me if there are simple answers to this problem, or if I change my tune throughout the coming months.  But in the spirit of philosophy, I comment on that which I am currently dealing.  I think there is value in actively engaging the arguments you are currently dealing with, even though you have not digested the entire (or even a sufficient amount of) domain.  As long as one realizes his own ignorance vis-à-vis other philosophers and lines of argument, taking part in the conversation is highly beneficial. 

Tuesday, January 11, 2011

Re: Originalism and Freedom

In replying to my response to his original post, Gus makes some very interesting remarks, many of which I agree (specifically regarding the contradictions within the Republican platform).  The point of my original post, however, was that you were not fleshing out these contradictions (at least this is how your post read).  Rather, you claimed that the republican platform implies an extreme form of nationalism.  My point was that this is wrong.  The republican platform implies nothing.  It is completely contradictory (I believe the same is true about the democrat platform as well).

Also, an originalist interpretive methodology does not imply a reverence to the past vs. the denial of authority to the present, nor does it imply a vacuous conception of freedom.  At most, it implies a kind of distrust for government and legal officials in general.  By anchoring the interpretive object in concrete rules, the originalist methodology seeks to limit the discretion of the interpreter (i.e., the norm applier).  If the originalist was necessarily preoccupied with the authority of the "founding generation," she would recognize that many clauses of the Constitution are standards rather than rules (e.g., "cruel and unusual punishment").  Standards require certain evaluative judgments be made downstream by the norm-applier rather than the norm-creator.  Thus, the norm-creator, by positing a standard, indicates the intention that evaluative judgments are to be made by the norm-applier.  Originalists evince a certain distrust for legal officials by re-interpreting standards into rules ("cruel" means x, y, and z).  This distrust may be the result of a variety of different political or pragmatic beliefs.  For example, one may believe that (1) the point of having a fundamental legal rule (i.e., a constitution) is to lock in certain political-moral principles that cannot be changed by the whim of those currently in office, (2) the point of having "law" in general is to authoritatively settle political-moral disagreement, and (3) by granting officials wide discretion in interpretation, the point of such a system is undermined because we (the originalist) do not trust officials to interpret the norms in accordance with principles determined to be settled.  In such a situation, one may argue for an originalist methodology without any reverence for the past. 

Notice that this argument proceeds without denying the moral right of a generation to alter the core principles by which they are governed.  Rather, it assumes that a "society" reproduces itself over many generations, that such a society is never made up of a single generation, and the belief that the whole point of establishing a fundamental rule is to authoritatively settle certain disputes such that the fundamental structure of the system need not be in constant flux.  Thus, in the event that a generation desires a change of the core principles that the society is governed by, it requires that a vast majority of such a society to agree.  The reason for this super-majority requirement is that it permits the fundamental rule of the system to function as a fundamental rule.

There is one further point worth noting.  Alternative interpretive methodologies do not imply an added appreciation for the moral authority of a generation to determine the principles by which they are governed.  The Dworkinian interpretive methodology is decidedly anti-democratic and places great weight on the past. 

I believe that the crux of the political rhetoric is not to be found in any fundamental belief regarding democratic authority and the moral right to determine the fundamental principles of a system.  Rather, interpretive methodologies are argued for based on political expediency.  If republicans believe that, based on the current judicial climate, judges are likely to overturn their favored legislation, they will argue for whatever interpretive methodology reins in the courts.  If democrats believe that, based on the current political climate, state legislatures are likely to produce laws contrary to their favored policies, they will call for an interpretive methodology that produces the results they desire.  It cuts both ways and both sides are fraught with contradictions.    

Tuesday, January 4, 2011

Re: Originalism and Freedom

"I think this is a good reminder that the Republican platform implies an extreme nationalism that necessarily abridges the concept of "freedom" to conform to an us versus them dichotomy."

Although I am not a "Republican" (or a "conservative" or "right wing" etc.), I think that this statement is misguided.  Much of the rhetoric of Republican politicians (I assume you are not discussing theorists) surrounding originalism as a constitutional theory (and the Republican platform in general) urges "States' rights" and restrictions on the federal government.  This is antithetical to the idea of nationalism.  Moreover, any political theory justifying “the state” (short of cosmopolitanism and world government) perpetuates an “us vs. them” mentality.  It separates people by geographical boundaries and asserts special obligations to “fellow citizens” that do not apply to “outsiders.”  So I think that your hostility towards the Republican platform is too narrow and under-inclusive.

Also, your focus on the authority of the past is somewhat misguided as well.  One thing to notice about the nature of law is that all laws, absent an expression to the contrary, claim authority to bind future generations.  Any theory justifying the authority of law justifies the authority of one generation to bind future generations.  Notice that a law enacted by Congress in 1934 is valid today, absent an express change or amendment.

Sunday, December 19, 2010

Dworkin's website

As I mentioned earlier, Ronald Dworkin's new book was recently released.  In the Preface, he mentions that he will have a website responding to critical assessments of his work.  Although not yet in the full swing of things, here is the website:

http://www.justiceforhedgehogs.net/

I am extremely curious to see how this plays out.  You don't often have the opportunity to see a world-renowned philosopher engage in an on-going discussion with his critics.  Should be great.

Tuesday, December 14, 2010

Re Re Ostriches Revisited

Danger,

First, I have not decided where I come out on dirty hands.  I am leaning towards condemnation, but it is a very tricky situation.  Second, I think you should assume in the example that we are in an anarchist political community where everyone legitimately consented to political institutions and unanimously decided upon democratic decision-making procedures.   Third, I think there is a gap in your analysis, for you failed to mention the context in which the choice is presented.  There is a second candidate who will win based on either a lie or a false belief, perhaps negligently false.  So Candidate A is presented with a dilemma: either (1) tell the truth, but lose the election because Candidate B was willing to pander to irrationalities, or (2) lie, win the election and implement policies you truly believe will help the economy. 

To better illustrate the dilemma, I will take the classic dirty hands example from Walzer.

We are now out of your ideal anarchist state.  Assume you are a citizen in a country with particularly corrupt electoral practices (hard to imagine, I know). Big Business and Big Union pours illegal money into campaign finance in exchange for post-election benefits.  Candidate A is an honest man and enters the arena with the promise to clean up the political scene.  Soon after starting his campaign, he learns that, in order to win the election, he must make a deal with a corrupt union boss, which involves the granting of government contracts to pro-union corporations.  Candidate A’s first instinct is: I can’t accept this offer.  But he is told by his experienced campaign advisors that if you refuse, the money will go to Candidate B, a dishonest man, and we will have no evidence to prove what is going on.  Worse, no one will believe us and the electorate will believe we are engaging in a smear campaign.  So Candidate B will win the election and you will lose. You will never be in a position to start cleaning up the electoral process.  So A’s choices are (1) reject the deal, and allow B to win and to continue the corrupt practices, or (2) accept the deal, gaining the chance to win.  Is Candidate A permitted to take option (2)? 

Ostriches revisited

Danger began a back-and-forth by asking "how on earth can a politician telling the truth be a bad thing?"  I posed a question for danger and he responded.  I now have a follow up question for Danger and/or Gus:

Candidate A, an honest politician (oxymoron?), runs for president against Candidate B.  The economy is in bad shape (surprise!): the budgetary deficit is 15 per cent of the GDP, unemployment is rising, inflation is out of control.  It is A’s considered view that stabilization requires drastic cuts in the expenditures and tax rises.  Assume that this is backed up by the best available economic theory (don’t fight the hypo!).  B makes promises to expand welfare provisions and cut taxes.  A’s choices are (1) tell the truth, lose the election, and allow disaster to come, or (2) outbid B with ridiculous promises, win the election, and proceed to renege on his false promises and stabilize the economy.  Is A permitted to take choice (2)?  This is a classic example of “the problem of dirty hands.”

Jeremy Waldron and Gus

The more and more that I read Jeremy Waldron, the more I realize that Gus would find his political philosophy extremely appealing.

Monday, December 13, 2010

Question for Danger

Danger,

When Austrians discuss the perverse effects of the Fed, they often refer to how it distorts information and market transactions, with the assumption that these distortions are negative consequences from an economic point of view.  With respect to other governmental interventionism, they often point to the Hayekian argument regarding the use of knowledge in society, the ability of individuals to make better use of their contextual knowledge than central planners ever could, etc.  They point to the destabilizing effects of frequent and unpredictable governmental involvement, and how this affects the ability of individuals to develop life plans, which affects investment decisions.  My question is this: if the ability to act on local knowledge and plan for the future is central for the maintenance of an orderly economic system, how does an anarchist political philosophy fit into the story?  I am not equating Austrian economics with political anarchism.  They are two independent theories in independent disciplines.  But you are an anarchist with Austrian beliefs.  What assumptions does the Austrian/anarcho economic model make?  What does this model look like?  I am especially interested to see the assumptions regarding stability and predictability in market transactions.  What are the systemic effects of a free market in law and protection?  What kind of plans are individuals able to make? 

I am not familiar with Carson’s work, so maybe he has answered these questions.  But I think they are important and this is an issue I have raised in the past, something I am not comfortable with.  I have not seen a convincing anarchist argument regarding the fact of reasonable disagreement in a pluralist society.  In other words, even if everyone was an angel and always acted on their good-faith belief about the natural rights and obligations of their fellow man, there would still be considerable disagreement about the content of those rights and obligations, the boundaries they set forth, and whether or not these boundaries have been violated.

Wednesday, December 1, 2010

Follow up to Robin the Hood

"By comparison, the private worker earned $50,462 in pay and $10,589 in benefits, meaning that federal workers earn about half more in pay but four times as much in benefits, the BEA says."

Does this mean there is greater incentive for the more qualified to pursue "public" work?

Tuesday, November 30, 2010

Equality and libertarianism

Libertarian political philosophy is often criticized for not taking equality seriously as an important political value.  Is this charge legitimate?  Do libertarians reject the idea of equality as such?  Do they reject the idea that “everyone is equal”?

To understand the controversies regarding equality, one must first understand the nature of equality as a political ideal.  An important and fundamental distinction to understand (made by Ronald Dworkin) is between “treating an individual equally” and “treating an individual as an equal.”  Treating someone equally means acting in such a way that affects their position along a particular dimension equally (e.g., to the same distribution of goods or opportunities).  Treating someone as an equal requires treating them with “equal concern and respect.”  Treating someone with “concern” is to treat them “as human beings who are capable of suffering and frustration.”  Treating someone with “respect” is to treat them “as human beings who are capable of forming and acting on intelligent conceptions of how their lives should be lived.”

Treating individuals “as equals” is a higher-order principle than treating them “equally.”  This is because treating equally requires equal treatment along some dimension.  But treatment can always be compared along multiple dimensions.  One need only to look to the familiar political slogans regarding economic distribution to see how this is so: (1) ‘To each according to his needs’; (2) ‘To each according to his efforts’; or (3) ‘To each according to his contribution.’  Thus, need, effort, and contribution all act as possible dimensions along which one can be “treated equally” vis-à-vis economic distribution.  In the typical case, these principles cannot be satisfied at the same time.  Thus, there is a need for a higher-order principle, a principle to decide which first-order distributive principle is to govern economic distribution.  This is where treating someone “as an equal” comes in, it selects which first-order principle is to carry the day.

The problem of equality is to be found when one attempts to apply the second-order principle of treatment “as equals” (equal concern and respect) to competing first-order distributive principles (e.g., “to each according to his need” vs. “to each according to his contribution”) in order to select which is the morally correct first-order principle.  In order to decide specific and controversial issues, the “treatment as equals” needs interpretation.  But in order to do this, mid-level or “mediating” principles are required, and the more specific the issues are, the more controversial the mediating principles will be.

Thus, there is a problem of interpretation of treatment “as equals” (let’s call this second-order principle the “equal consideration principle”).  Thomas Nagel offers an illuminating way to understand the situation.  Interpretation of the equal consideration principle can be understood in the following way: equal consideration provides individuals with a “veto.”  If a policy or procedure fails to treat him with equal consideration, he is justified in rejecting it, and his non-acceptance is a reason for doubting its legitimacy.  The issue, the problem of equality, is where to place the veto, and different mediating principles differ in where they claim the veto properly belongs.

For example, a utilitarian mediating principle places the veto at the input stage.  There is a moral requirement to maximize the good overall, and the egalitarian aspect requires that every individual’s interests be taken into account, everyone is given equal weight (my interests are given the same weight as Michael Jordan’s interests, his interests do not count more just because he is Michael Jordan).  Notice that equality is not taken into account at the output stage: an output of the decision-procedure is legitimate, no matter how unequal the distribution, so long as everyone’s interests were taken into account and given equal weight, and as long as the decision maximizes the good overall.

This finally brings us back to the questions regarding libertarianism.  As now should be clear, libertarians do in fact take equality seriously.  Treating someone with “equal concern and respect” is a central feature of libertarian thought.  The differences between libertarianism and other egalitarian conceptions of equality are caused by the differing mediating principles and where they claim the veto should be placed.  Most libertarians believe in a strong conception of individual rights (Robert Nozick famously opens Anarchy, State, and Utopia by declaring that “[i]ndividuals have rights, and there are things no person or group may do to them (without violating their rights)”).  Thus, libertarians believe that every individual has a veto against an invasion of their rights.  One is not treated with “equal concern and respect” if a procedure or policy violates that person’s rights (without acquiring consent).  As Nagel describes the position, “[t]he moral equality of persons . . . is their equal claim against each other not to be interfered with in specified ways.  Each person must be treated equally in certain definite respects by each other person.”  As a result, it is incorrect to charge libertarians with failing to consider equality.  It is, of course, entirely legitimate to disagree with the mediating principles and the resultant placement of the veto, but in order to avoid begging the question, one must first acknowledge equality as a genuine concern in libertarian thought.

Monday, November 22, 2010

Retrospective increases in punishment

Suppose we adhere to some sort of retributive theory of punishment, that “the punishment should fit the crime.”  Suppose further that Eli is convicted of murder and sentenced to 15-20 years in prison, the maximum permissible under the sentencing guidelines at the time of the murder (based on a retributive judgment that 15-20 years is just).  Now suppose that officials in the system correctly realize that the principles of just punishment require a sentence of 25-30 years in prison (‘correctly’ being stipulated for the hypo).  Is it wrong for the system to alter Eli’s punishment, increasing it to fit the correct retributive calculation?  Is it unfair?  If so, why?  What values usually underlie our judgments condemning retroactive law-making?  Do they apply to cases of retrospective increases in punishment?